Written by our intern, Lee Manders

Proportional Representation (PR) for the House of Commons has been a thorny issue in UK politics for over a century. It has had its supporters, detractors and those who have flip-flopped on the issue. These groups naturally included political parties and their leaders. 

The Conservative Party

The Conservatives have a long history of supporting the First Past the Post (FPTP) system used in the UK. This system was originally implemented in the late 19th century as part of a deal between the Conservative leader Viscount Cranborne and high-ranking Liberal Sir Charles Dilke [1].

The Conservatives largely opposed different voting systems such as Alternative Voting during the first two decades of the 20th Century. However, a faction of MPs and Lords supported Single Transferable Voting in urban areas due to fears of majority rule and the spread of socialism in the working classes [1]. 

This split in opinion is highlighted by quotes from future leaders of the party. During a commons debate in 1918, Neville Chamberlain referred to PR in borough constituencies as an experiment ‘made on us against our will and without any mandate from any part of the country, it is to be made on us against the will of our constituents; it is to destroy the active political life of the great communities that we represent’ [2]. In 1931, Winston Churchill argued that proportional representation in cities was ‘incomparably the fairest, the most scientific and, on the whole, the best in the public interest’ method to address ‘constitutional injustice’ [3].

In the postwar era, the Conservatives maintained their commitment to FPTP which helped them maintain electoral success. This was the case even during occasional instances when the system worked against them such as the February 1974 general election. This election saw Labour win four more seats than the Conservatives, despite having a lower vote share [4]. Few electoral changes were made during Margaret Thatcher’s era.

Mrs Thatcher herself disliked proportional representation, agreeing with Michael Foot's attacks on it [5]. Her successor, John Major, disliked it even more strongly. He referred to PR as ‘horse trading’ and believed it allowed minority governments to dictate government policy [6].

In the 2010s, no Conservative leader demonstrated support for proportional representation or other forms of electoral reform. David Cameron was part of the ‘No’ campaign during the 2011 referendum on Alternative Vote, describing it as ‘inherently unfair’ [7]. As stated in its 2024 manifesto, ‘the party remains committed to the first past the post system for elections’. Their current position is that it maintains the link to local voters and politicians during elections [8]. The party seems to have abandoned their other argument for FPTP, that it helps to form strong governments [9]. This is likely due to the noticeably unstable Conservative governments of the past decade.

Yet, as was the case during the early 20th century, a small faction within the Conservative party supports voting reform and opposes FPTP. Conservative Action for Electoral Reform (CAER) was formed following the February 1974 general election and continues to lobby on the issue to this day [10]. Whether CAER will be able to influence the wider party remains to be seen.

The Labour Party

Much like the Conservatives, the leadership of the Labour Party has long been committed to FPTP. However, this was not the case during the party’s formative years.

In the early years of the 20th Century the Labour Party took issue with FPTP and began exploring alternatives. This was due to the party facing an uphill battle to gain Commons seats and opposition to forming electoral pacts with the Liberals to avoid vote splitting. Ramsay MacDonald was opposed to PR and used his influence to defeat a motion for PR at the 1911 Labour Party Conference. MacDonald’s opposition was based on the idea that targeting individual seats was cheaper than fighting elections in multi-member constituencies. He also believed that some minority groups were not entitled to representation. This, the indecision over the type of voting system to support, and competition for attention with other electoral reforms, ensured that Labour didn’t take an official stance on PR, despite the significant opposition to FPTP within the party’s membership. [11].

When Labour came to power in the late 1920s, it opposed proportional representation, however it did agree to introduce an alternative vote system with the Liberal Party which would have passed had Labour not lost power in 1931 [12].

For the rest of the century Labour largely supported FPTP, even during lengthy periods when Labour voters were disadvantaged by it. This included the 1951 general election which saw Labour lose power despite gaining more votes than the Conservatives [13]. Labour maintained their support for the system because it provided them with absolute power during some limited periods.

During the 1960s and 1970s, PR became associated with figures that left the party to form the SDP. However, during the 1980s large sections of Labour began to support the policy after consecutive election losses [14]. Internal support for electoral reform grew and Charter 88 (Unlock Democracy’s predecessor!), which campaigned for constitutional and electoral reform, was established. Neil Kinnock allegedly referred to it as a movement of ‘whiners, whingers and wankers’ [15]. Conversely, John Smith was more supportive of the movement. In 1993, he gave a speech at a Charter 88 event outlining a ‘comprehensive agenda of constitutional and democratic reform’ [16].

Neil Kinnock, John Smith and Tony Blair all launched committees to examine electoral systems such as PR, but these reports did not end up influencing policy [14]. Kinnock was criticised for refusing to reveal his personal stance on PR during the run up to the 1992 General Election [17]. Meanwhile, Smith supported other forms of electoral reform but remained apprehensive about PR [14].

Gordon Brown also supported FPTP, but on the eve of the 2010 general election he offered a referendum on AV to the Liberal Democrats in return for a potential coalition between the two parties [18].

Later Labour leaders had little to say about Proportional Representation. During his campaign for the Labour leadership, Keir Starmer indicated that FPTP caused many votes to be wasted. His stance on FPTP has changed since then. In 2024, he stated that it is ‘the right system’. He further added that FPTP provided the country with (his) strong government [19]. Historically Labour MPs have also generally supported FPTP due to the constituency link the system provides [20]. However, in the most recent intake of Labour MPs, those who openly support PR easily outnumber declared supporters of FPTP. 

Meanwhile, Proportional Representation has become increasingly popular among Labour Party members. Delegates overwhelmingly backed a motion supporting PR at the 2022 Labour Party Conference. This result was also due to the backing of the larger, Labour aligned trade unions. It marked the first time that these unions have supported PR [21]. Shortly after, the party’s National Policy Forum formally acknowledged the drawbacks of First Past the Post, stating that it contributes to ‘the distrust and alienation we see in politics’ [22].

With Labour back in power after 14 years of opposition, it will be interesting to see whether enthusiasm for PR dies down amongst party members, or whether the rift between them and the party's leader on voting reform continues or even widens.

The Liberal Democrats

Unlike the other parties mentioned so far, the Liberal Democrats have maintained a consistently supportive attitude towards proportional representation, going back to the early 20th century. 

The Liberal Party opposed PR until 1922, when they were essentially locked out of power. Leaders including Asquith and Lloyd George also resisted the policy while in power, but started to support it after 1922 [23].

Although locked from absolute power, the Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats have had opportunities to play kingmaker with both Labour and the Conservatives. PR, or at least more proportional forms of voting have often been their price.

As mentioned previously, the 1929 Labour Government supported alternative voting in exchange for support from the Liberals, but this fell through in the final hour [24].

Later, in the February 1974 general election, the Conservatives were in talks to form a coalition government with the Liberals, who enjoyed a surge of support. The Liberal’s leader, Jeremy Thorpe, pushed for proportional representation as part of the deal. Such talks collapsed and the Conservative government made way for a minority Labour government [25]. PR was viewed as a deal breaker for the Conservatives [26].

The last significant development in the Lib Dems push for PR was in 2011, during their coalition with the Conservatives. The referendum on the Alternative Vote - not a proportional voting system - was a compromise struck between the two parties. However, just under 7 out of 10 voters opposed the measure, based on a turnout of only 42% [27].

The Liberal Democrats have consistently supported PR since then. In the 2024 general election the Liberal Democrats gained their best ever result with 72 MPs in the House of Commons [28].  The early indications are that, in spite of the Lib Dems winning a record number of seats under FPTP, their support for PR is undiminished.

Conclusion

Overall, proportional representation has been a desirable policy for political parties when they believe First Past the Post consistently works against their supporters and their parties. The opposite also seems to be the case.

Labour and Liberal Democrat supporters show preference for PR to this day. YouGov polling shows that support for PR has remained at around 60% for each party’s voters from 2019 to 2024. Even Conservative voters seem to be losing enthusiasm for FPTP with the same polling showing a 10% drop in support for the system in the same timeframe [29]. Support for PR among Labour supporters does not seem to have diminished, even after the unprecedented 2024 result that saw the party gain 412 seats, and a massive majority, with just 34% of the vote.

The pressure to introduce PR is mounting as smaller parties become more prominent. The Green Party, the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru and Reform UK all support proportional representation. It is likely that the pressure will build if smaller parties keep growing in popularity.

If proportional representation in the House of Commons is ever going to happen, then it will be through a combination of these internal and external pressures on the larger political parties.

If you also want to put the pressure on the larger political parties to introduce PR, consider joining Unlock Democracy today.

Bibliography

Conservatives

[1] Klemperer, D. (2019) ‘Electoral Systems and Electoral Reform in Historical Perspective’, pp.7-10. Available at: https://consoc.org.uk/publications/electoral-systems-and-electoral-reform-in-historical-perspective/ 

[2] (1918) ‘Proportional Representation: Volume 101: debated on Tuesday 5 February 1918’, Available at: https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1918-02-05/debates/9a3b1794-6ebf-496c-96d6-d92a8f80dadd/ProportionalRepresentation

[3] (1931) Representation Of The People (No 2) Bill: Volume 253: debated on Tuesday 2 June 1931’ Available at: https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/1931-06-02/debates/dfd110c7-1f8e-4e92-a351-1a5635a92b5b/RepresentationOfThePeople(No2)Bill 

[4] Dunton, M. (2014) ‘Hung Parliament - February 1974’, Available at: https://history.blog.gov.uk/2014/02/28/hung-parliament-february-1974/   

[5] Margaret Thatcher Foundation (n.d.) ‘Remarks on proportional representation (would love a majority of the vote)’ Available at: https://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/105100 

[6] John Major Archive (n.d.) ‘PMQT – 7 May 1991’ Available at: https://johnmajorarchive.org.uk/1991/05/07/pmqt-7-may-1991/ 

[7] Wintour (2011) ‘AV reform is 'inherently unfair', says David Cameron’, Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2011/feb/18/av-reform-david-cameron 

[8] The Conservative and Unionist Party Manifesto 2024 (2024) p.59. Available at: https://public.conservatives.com/static/documents/GE2024/Conservative-Manifesto-GE2024.pdf 

[9] BBC News (2010) ‘Cameron will campaign against vote system change’,

Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10489088 

[10] Conservative Action for Electoral Reform (n.d.), Available at: https://conservativeelectoralreform.org.uk/ 

Labour

[11] Miles, C.J. (2017) ‘The Labour Party and the Westminster

electoral system’ pp.82-88. Available at: https://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3007734/1/200666703_May2017.pdf 

[12] Blacksacademy.net (n.d.) ‘British Politics, 1926 — 29, and the General Election of 1929’, Available at: https://www.blacksacademy.net/pages/hy-054-hyqbbq-Britain-1926-1929.php 

[13] Cracknell, R., Uberoi, E. and Burton M. (2023) UK Election Statistics: 1918-2023: A century of elections. Available at: https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-7529/ 

[14] BBC News (1998) ‘The Jenkins Report’, Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/191720.stm 

[15] Foley, M. (1999) ‘The politics of the British constitution’, p.179. Available at: https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=vPyt_Kx0HegC&pg=PA179&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false 

[16] Ward, D. (2023) ‘30 years on why PR is the next step for John Smith’s Citizen’s Democracy’, Available at: https://www.daviddjward.com/30-years-on-why-pr-is-the-next-step-for-john-smiths-citizens-democracy/ 

[17] Timmins, N. (1992) ‘Kinnock urges Labour to back electoral reform’, Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/kinnock-urges-labour-to-back-electoral-reform-1561553.html 

[18] Wintour, P. and Stratton, A. (2010) ‘Brown promises to push through law before election to pave way for referendum on voting reform’, Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2010/feb/02/brown-promises-law-voting-reform 

[19] Mortimer, J. (2024) ‘Dismay as Starmer Backs Westminster’s ‘Winner Takes All’ Voting System as Labour Eyes Big Majority’, Available at: https://bylinetimes.com/2024/06/27/dismay-as-starmer-backs-westminsters-winner-takes-all-voting-system-as-labour-eyes-big-majority/ 

[20] Wager, A. and Walker, A. (2022), ‘Labour MPs remain unconvinced by electoral reform’, 

Available at: https://ukandeu.ac.uk/labour-mps-remain-unconvinced-by-electoral-reform/ 

[21] Walker, P. and Allegretti, A. (2022) ‘Labour delegates back motion calling on party to back PR’, Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2022/sep/26/labour-delegates-back-motion-calling-on-party-to-back-pr 

[22] Labour For A New Democracy (2023) ‘FPTP flawed & damaging - says Labour’s new policy statement’, Available at: https://www.labourforanewdemocracy.org.uk/news/fptp-flawed-and-damaging 

Liberals/Liberal Democrats

[23] Bogdanor, V. (2017) ‘The Liberal Party and the Liberal Democrats’, p.1. Available at: https://www.gresham.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2017-12-12_VernonBogdanor_LibDems-T.pdf 

[24] Blacksacademy.net (n.d.) ‘British Politics, 1926 — 29, and the General Election of 1929’, Available at: https://www.blacksacademy.net/pages/hy-054-hyqbbq-Britain-1926-1929.php 

[25] Bogdanor, V. (2015) ‘The General Election, February 1974’, Available at: https://www.gresham.ac.uk/watch-now/general-election-february-1974 

[26] Stratton, A. (2008) ‘Jeremy Thorpe: I remember the lot’

Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2008/jan/28/liberaldemocrats.uk 
[27] McGuinness, F and Hardacre, J (2011) ‘Alternative Vote Referendum 2011’, Available at: https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/rp11-44/ 

[28] Liberal Democrats (2024) ‘72 Liberal Democrat MPs’, Available at: https://www.libdems.org.uk/news/article/72-liberal-democrat-mps 

Other

[29] YouGov (2024) ‘Should we change our current British voting system?’, Available at: https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/trackers/should-we-change-our-current-british-voting-system?crossBreak=conservative